Because Beijing has solidified its ties with Russia and Iran, the Biden administration has bolstered its partnership with like-minded allies accordingly, while also considering measures to sever the CCP’s connection, particularly with Russia.

On the one hand, Moscow gains from Beijing’s expansion in the international community, influencing the United Nations and international agencies. But, on the other hand, Russia benefits from Beijing’s development in Europe, threatening the surrounding democratic countries and challenging the United States.

NATO’s eastward expansion poses a threat to Russia’s frontiers, pushing the country closer to China. Moscow soon fell into the lap of Beijing, especially after Putin’s annexation of Crimea precipitated economic sanctions from Europe and America.

After Xi Jinping took office, he met with Putin regularly, and the two had spoken on the phone more than 40 times.

Diplomats from China and Russia join forces to oppose Western democracy, the rule of law, and human rights. With no future worries, Russia can concentrate on dealing with the western border, while the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) can focus on the action in the East and South China Seas. Moreover, Russia’s energy aids China’s economic growth, while Russia’s armaments aid the CCP’s military modernization.

The Sino-Russian relationship, however, is not as tight as it appears.

First, China and Russia have long been adversaries, and the roots of that rivalry may still be seen today. Putin is well aware of the current scenario; the two countries’ combined might is far too great. However, China’s economy and population are ten times larger than Russia’s.

Second, in terms of innovation, research, and technology, Russia lags behind China. China’s One Belt, One Road initiative has expanded through Central Asia, and the CCP also wants to intervene in the Arctic, a powerful sector for Russia.


Putin’s closeness to Xi Jinping stems from his dissatisfaction with Western countries. He has become closer to Xi, but Moscow’s alertness towards Beijing will rise with time. If the Biden administration can encourage Putin to return to Western social freedom, Russia’s balance of power will shift in favor of the United States.
The Eurasian Economic Union submitted 40 projects to China in 2017, all of which were refused. The Russian Foreign Minister was not present at the One Belt One Road meeting last year.

The CCP obtains Russian weapons-making secrets but imports fewer Russian weapons. The CCP’s creation and growth of intermediate-range and intercontinental missiles and the CCP’s nuclear weapons make Moscow increasingly nervous as if sowing the seeds of disaster.


The U.S. should begin by assisting Russia in stabilizing, combating the CCP in Central Asia, and helping Russia’s economy and trade. Russia’s commerce with the European Union dwarfs that of the CCP.

The United States and Russia share the same viewpoint on nuclear non-proliferation and missile technology non-proliferation. Therefore, the two nations should work together to compel the CCP to join the anti-proliferation coalition. It is much more so in the case of Arctic sovereignty.


The CCP also claims to be a formidable power in the Arctic, unpalatable to Moscow. However, last year’s pandemic caused the entire globe to rethink its attitude to the CCP, prompting a new investigation into the outbreak’s origins.

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